王沪宁

billzhao · 发表于 2017-10-26 10:32

1985年，但王沪宁以“中国最年轻的副教授”出现在《半月谈》杂志封面时，笑容灿烂，意气风发，和后来人们透过镜头所看到的“太过平静，有一种莫测高深的眼神”的高干，判若两人。

1995年，上海人民出版社出版《政治的人生》，这是王沪宁的个人日记，如他在自序中说的，政治的人生，并非指一种政治的经历，而是说，作为一名政治学的学者，他大部分时间均用来做专业学问了，以致这一学问占据了绝大部分的生命。

对读者来说，有意思的地方就在于，这本日记体的专著，除了记载了王沪宁对学术的思考，还记录了他1994年的生活琐事，包括每天授课、读书、写书，也看电影、追剧、甚至玩电脑游戏。

有人因此评论，今天社交媒体上玩的那些套路，“人家王沪宁老师早就玩过了！”

比如“自黑”，过年时王沪宁在爆竹声中玩电子游戏“大富翁”，他感慨，“又是买地，又是炒股，又是建筑商场，最后破产，输给一个叫‘大老千’的人，被狗追得到处逃，落到阴沟里”；还有，2月9日他写到：小F拿来中华鳖精，是一种补品，最近各种补品越来越多，鸡精丶蛇精等等，什么时候推出“人精”，大概是最补的了。

套用现在的网络用语，就是“没想到你竟是这样的王老师！”。也有人评论，“当王沪宁骑自行车穿行在1994年的复旦校园时，他平静地思考学术问题，思考他感兴趣的一切，却唯独没有思考过一年后自己会在哪里。”

正是在1995年，王沪宁离开校园，调到北京，出任XX中央政策研究室政治组组长，时年40岁。2002年，王沪宁晋升中央政策研究室主任至今，直接参与、起草了前任总书记JJM的“三个代表”、前任总书记胡锦涛的“科学发展观”、以及现任总书记习近平提出的“新时代中国特色社会主义”等重大论述，也参与了十五大以来至今，XX重要理论文献的起草工作。

熟悉王沪宁的人：他的低调并非完全刻意

他在2012年XX十八大后进入中央政治局，成了名副其实的“党和国家领导人”。然而，从步入政坛开始，学者、教授王沪宁就从公众视野中消失了，也渐渐的跟学界断了来往。他的名字出现，通常都是在官媒通稿的最后一句，例如“出席会见的还有中央政策研究室主任王沪宁”。

熟悉王沪宁的人认为他的低调并非完全刻意，复旦大学时期，曾经和王沪宁共事过的学者孙嘉明在一篇回忆文章中说，王给人的印象是谨言慎行，不苟言笑，“由于他学术任务特重，平时不太容易看到他”。孙嘉明还强调，王沪宁对物质生活的态度绝对是淡泊的。他生活很简单，平时都在食堂吃饭。看书写文章也都在办公室完成。

曾经在上海和王沪宁有过交集的香港传媒人魏承思曾撰文提到，露丝过后，“风闻市委想让他出任宣传部副部长主管理论，我就问他意向如何。他说，不会离开复旦大学，一生的愿望就是写几本好书，教出几个好学生”。

最终，他还是到了中南海，传说他在“长期睡办公室，经常几个月不回家”。至于政治理念，他在复旦时就提出“集中现代化模式”，他曾经非常留意日本和东亚“四小龙”经济起飞的经验，尤其是当年的“新加坡模式”，这种保证政治领导的高度集中、高度有效分配社会资源的政治体制，对效能的侧重超过对民主的侧重，他称之为“集中现代化模式”，在融入马克思主义理论后，也就是“具有中国特色的社会主义”模式及相关政策。

据说，阐述这个观点的文章《现代化进程中政治领导方式分析》，让王沪宁引起了中南海的关注。但他不同意自己所提的是“新权威主义”，他曾说：“XX党只能接受一个主义，马克思列宁主义。”。

如今，北京的观察家们早已不再纠结王沪宁到底是左还是右了，他的形象是学者，智囊，见识广，有国际视野。外传他将在十九大后进入最高权力机关——XX中央政治局常委会并分管意识形态领域，一些人充满期待，他们认为王沪宁具有国际观。

至于他没有地方治理经验这一“软肋”，辩护者认为，曾经陪同三代最高领导人进行国内调研，国外访问，参与重大改革与决策，直抵核心，王沪宁对务实问题也有所掌握。

https://www.zaobao.com.sg/znews/ ... tory20171024-805285

billzhao · 发表于 2017-10-26 10:40

Wang Huning is one of the new members of the Communist Party’s Politburo Standing Committee. Here we have a look at his road to the top:

Despite having served as an adviser to three Chinese presidents, remarkably little is known about the personal life of Wang Huning, who as the top official in charge of ideology, propaganda and party organisation is now one of the most powerful politicians in the country.

While his face might be unfamiliar to the public, his words will not be. Wang has been credited with being one of the architects of the “Chinese dream” concept, President Xi Jinping’s widely promoted vision for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

For the past 15 years, the 62-year-old academic-turned-politician has headed the Central Policy Research Office – a party think tank – combining the roles of national policy adviser, chief speech-writer and principal theorist to the country’s top leader.

Wang is also known to have played a significant role in drafting former presidents Jiang Zemin’s “Theory of the Three Represents” and Hu Jintao’s “scientific theory of development”, both of which were written into the party’s constitution.

In 2007, Wang was appointed to the party’s Secretariat – the nerve centre of the Politburo – and at the end of his five-year term was elevated to the Politburo itself. As a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, the once low profile adviser will be one of the principal protagonists in Xi’s second term in charge.

“He is largely known as a thinker and an introvert,” Shanghai-based political scientist Chen Daoyin said.
Wang Huning attends a ceremony in Tiananmen Square, Beijing to mark the 68th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China.

Before entering politics, Wang was best known for being the youngest associate professor – specialising in international relations – at Fudan University in Shanghai, a position he achieved at the age of 30 after starting his academic career with a bachelor’s degree in French.

His ex-wife Zhou Qi – the couple divorced in 1996 – is a specialist in Sino-US relations and the head of the National Security Institute at Tsinghua University.

Wang later remarried and has one child.

In his memoir Political Life, published in 1994 and before his move into politics, Wang said his goal in life was to keep writing books and teaching students.

What is known about Wang is his political ideology, the seeds of which can be found in his earlier publications.

In the 1980s, Wang advocated that a centralised government could maintain stability and drive growth, while gradually expanding its democratic principles from within.

His article “Analysis on the Ways of Political Leadership During the Modernisation Process”, first published in 1986, is thought to have been what first brought Wang to the attention of Jiang, who became president in 1989 in the wake of the bloody crackdown in Tiananmen Square.

“At the time being, centralised decision-making power and modernisation is more ‘politically efficient’,” he wrote. “This model has achieved stunning economic results, but it has also been criticised … because of the low level of democracy involved.”

He ended the seven-page article by saying that a society experiencing rapid economic growth and modernisation would face growing conflicts and greater demands for democracy.

“When the society reaches this stage, political reform would be inevitable,” he wrote.
China’s new leadership line-up revealed in full for first time with seasoned duo tipped to take key jobs

Although Wang did not specify when those political reforms should take place he has since provided ideological backing for Xi’s ambitious reform programmes.

In his work report speech delivered at the opening of the 19th party congress, Xi emphasised the need to “better arm ourselves with theory” and “work faster to develop philosophy and social sciences with Chinese characteristics”.

Another of Wang’s articles that showed his liberal views was also first published in 1986. A fifth edition of “Reflections on the Cultural Revolution and the Reform of China’s Political System” was released in 2012, the same year he was promoted to the Politburo.

“It is very important to comply with the constitution,” he wrote. “If citizens can be taken away without following the law and constitution, and actions that infringe people’s personal freedom, or even using violent threats and storming academic activities can be immune from responsibility, the Cultural Revolution could happen again.”

While Wang has been seen at Xi’s side several times this year – during the BRICS summit in Xiamen, the G20 meeting in Hamburg and in Hong Kong for the 20th anniversary of its return to China – as the principal official for ideology and propaganda he would play a much more significant role on the world stage.

He could even become the new face of China’s diplomatic relations. His predecessor Liu Yunshan was in 2015 the last Chinese politician to meet North Korean leader Kim Jong-un.

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